Academic Exchange Quarterly
Fall 2006 ISSN 1096-1453 Volume 10,
Issue 3
To cite, use print source rather than this on-line
version which may not reflect print copy format requirements or
text lay-out and pagination.
Shifting Currents in Media
Awareness
Chris Boulton, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Prof. Erica Scharrer,
University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Chris Boulton is a doctoral
student and Erica Scharrer is an Associate Professor
of Communication.
Abstract
This longitudinal qualitative research study examines how a group of parents and teachers sought to raise awareness in their community about harmful media effects. Initially condemning the influx of new digital media technologies such as violent video games, the group eventually shifted tactics in an effort to go beyond ‘preaching to the choir’ and bring other parents into the fold. Their experience suggests that we might reconsider media literacy as a form of social work.
Introduction
The introduction of media literacy initiatives into U.S.
public schools faces numerous obstacles (Kubey,
2003). Beyond the curriculum restrictions of recent standards-based legislation
and a general lack of funding for in-service teacher training (Hobbs, 2004),
efforts to address students’ media diets are often stymied by the gulf between
lessons taught at school and values learned at home. Despite the challenges, a
group of parents and teachers at a public elementary school in rural
Massachusetts have banded together to form the Media Awareness Project.
Concerned about the relationship between violent media consumption and
aggressive playground behavior, the group has organized two regional media
literacy conferences in the past three years. This essay will consider the
trajectory of the Media Awareness Project, a journey which has produced a host
of growing pains and epiphanies that can serve as a lesson to us all.
Preaching to the
Choir
Our analysis is based on a comparison of interviews[1]
conducted with members of the Media Awareness Project in the Fall of 2004 and
Spring of 2006. In 2004, all our informants echoed the same refrain: “we’re
preaching to the choir.” As one teacher observed, “99.9% of the people who
attended [the 2004 conference] have this knowledge and awareness [of harmful
media effects], so one of the problems was that people who would have benefited
were not there.” Moreover, it seemed that mindful parents were already taking
steps to regulate their children’s media diets. The challenge was how to reach
parents who used TV as a “free babysitter” devoid of quality control. In 2004,
Boulton (2005) conducted a two-month qualitative study of the Media Awareness
Project and came to the following conclusion.
Most members of
the Media Awareness Project are outraged by the end of childhood as they knew
it and the moral decline of popular culture in general. Such nostalgia could
offend their target audience, namely families who consume the very media that
they so despise. Likewise, blaming the ‘third person’ for social ills such as
aggressive socialization and protecting your child from the ‘contagion’ of
other children could form attitudes that only further alienate other parents.
(p. 5)
The “third person effect” theory predicts that individuals
will perceive media to have more harmful effects on others than on themselves
(Davison, 1983). For example, while we might be perfectly capable of resisting
anti-social media messages, other people are more likely to simply imitate what
they watch. As for “contagion,” some of the parents in the Media Awareness
Project expressed a concern that, despite strict rules at home, their children
would be infected by bad media habits at their school via exposure to other
children. Such an attitude is consistent with the “two-step flow of
communication,” a theory which describes how media is filtered and distributed
to the masses through “opinion leaders” who hold influence within particular
social groups (Katz & Lazarsfeld, 1955). This
“two-step flow” was summed up nicely by Cathy, the Media Awareness Project
coordinator, in 2004:
I don’t care
what they let their children watch, if we could instill that they didn’t bring
it to school. But it’s all brought to school…whatever the children in my son’s
class are exposed to, whether I insulate him or not, those are the things that
he’s exposed to.
Moreover, in late 2004, it seemed to us that the Media
Awareness Project was caught in a double-bind. On the one hand, the group was
not content with holding a conference and preaching a sermon to the
faithful—they hoped to reach out and evangelize in the community in order to
gain new converts to their cause. On the other hand, the group’s embrace of the
“third person effect” coupled with fears of “contagion” from other children
only increased their hostility towards the very families they were trying to
persuade. Such a dilemma is a familiar obstacle to agents of social change. In
the next section, we will examine how shifting currents within the Media
Awareness Project are now flowing in new directions.
Turning the Tide
In contrast to the most prevalent definitions of media
literacy (Aufderheide, 1997), the Media Awareness
Project was not initially created as a form of education directed at children
per se, but rather as an effort to alert parents
to the dangers of digital media and inspire them to intervene on their
children’s behalf. Angela, the school social worker and one of the founding
members of the Media Awareness Project, recalled a collective recognition of a
common enemy. She said that, as the children’s playground behavior began to
imitate violent TV shows and video games, “it just dawned on all of us at the
same time, wow, we’re all saying the same thing…the handwriting was on the wall
and it was like, ‘Oh my God.’”
But even at the very genesis of the Media Awareness Project,
group members began to split along ideological lines. Darlene, the school
principal, remembers feeling more inclined to adapt to the new currents of
technology:
The media group
was all on the bandwagon and I had to kinda’ reel
them in from time to time about [them saying that] ‘media’s bad’ and ‘we have
to put an end to this’ and I kept saying ‘no, no…we have a river of media here
and we are never going to stop the flow of this, we have to jump in and swim
with people and show them how to use it.’ I said ‘it’s not our job to say stop
the river!’
Since they were trained with the printed page, it should
come as no surprise that the teachers in the group harbor some suspicion
towards the digital screen. So if the rushing ‘river’ of media technology is
passing them by and threatening to flood the valley of cherished literature,
then they’d better do their best to dam it.
But two years later, awash in a flood with new digital
devices, many in the group had changed their tactics. Theresa, a pre-school
teacher and group member, now hoped to channel, rather than stop, the energy of
the rising tide: “I was in the camp of thinking that we’ve got to screen it all
out, but I’ve come to the understanding that it’s part of our culture and we’ve
got to find creative ways to work with it and equip people to be selective
about it.” Likewise, Angela’s initial alarm has been replaced with a more
pragmatic attitude towards digital media: “It’s here to stay so let’s use it
wisely.”
This shift within the Media Awareness Project reflects a
broader trend within the national media literacy movement as a whole. For
example, the Alliance for a Media Literate America (AMLA)
recently chose British scholar David Buckingham as a keynote speaker for the
2005 National Media Education Conference[2]. This is a significant gesture
since Buckingham (1998) is an outspoken critic of the “media effects”
tradition, arguing that public outrage over offensive media content amounts to
a moral panic, distracting policy makers from more pressing social issues such
as poverty and gun-control. According to Buckingham, children are not innocent
victims in need of our protection, but rather active players capable of
resisting, even rejecting, the media messages they
consume for pleasure. Moreover, Buckingham opposes calls for government
regulation of media content, instead advocating for increased access to more
diverse forms of programming.
Though we doubt that the Media Awareness Project would ever
go as far as Buckingham, their own choice of keynote speaker is illustrative of
a profound philosophical change within the group. In 2006, the Media Awareness
Project invited Faith Rogow, founding president of
the AMLA, to speak at their Spring media literacy
conference. In her remarks, Rogow (2006) strongly
discouraged censorship while advising the assembled teachers and parents to
make careful ‘selections’ among the various media options. It’s as though she
was coaxing the audience to take a dip in the digital media river: come on in,
the water’s fine, but don’t jump…wade in slowly.
Video Games and the
Gifted Child
But some still see danger at the water’s edge. Theresa, for
one, is keeping her feet firmly anchored on dry ground. In 2004, she described
how a four-year-old boy came to school and said, “I watched The Terminator[3], but I’m not supposed
to talk about it because my Dad and I like to watch it together.” This boy
would then act out violent scenes from the movie on the playground, bumping
into other kids to “blow them up.” Now, two years later, the same family has a
daughter in Theresa’s preschool class. When she noticed the girl having some
cognitive processing issues, Theresa asked the four-year-old girl what she does
at home:
She said
‘I play Halo 2[4] with my brother’…so
tell me about Halo 2…what do you see?
‘we shoot and blood comes out.’ This same child is coming in everyday and
reporting to me about bad dreams. ‘I had a bad dream last night, I had a bad
dream.’
In 2006, Theresa described a very bright five-year-old who
struggles with video game addiction. When speaking with the boy’s mother,
Theresa learned that he throws a tantrum every morning because “he doesn’t want
to be torn away from his video games.” The mother complained to Theresa that
she “literally has to physically drag him away from [the videogames] to put him
on the school van—physically airlift
him out of the house.” One would think that such behavior would trigger tougher
parental restrictions on the boy’s video game use. Not so:
I talk with the
Mom—she’s extremely intelligent—and she says ‘Well, I don’t see where it’s a
problem because he may play for two hours but he comes out in half hour
intervals to tell us how he’s doing’ and I said, ‘You know, I think it would be
best if you didn’t start your day with any video games.’ The mother responded
by saying ‘Oh we don’t usually do that but sometimes we need to because the
baby’s crying and I can’t do both.’
Clearly, new media devices can provide a valuable service
for busy parents. Like television, the video game console is a relatively
inexpensive way to keep an active child quiet and stationary for long periods
of time. Of course, some resent this strategy as replacing more traditional
forms of play. As Cathy, the original coordinator of the Media Awareness
Project, complained in 2004, “children don’t play outside anymore…people are
inert, they’re playing their Gameboys[5].” The media landscape for children has certainly
changed dramatically. Having found that one-third of young children now have a
television in their bedroom[6], Roberts and Foehr
(2004) wryly observe that “where once the words ‘go to your room’ implied the
punishment of isolation, for many children today it is little more than a
directive to visit a media arcade” (p. 42).
But now, in 2006, Theresa makes an interesting move.
Recalling her student’s video game addiction, she wonders if media is not just
a free baby sitter but also a point of parental pride: “I think the confusion
is that she feels that he’s gifted, and because he’s gifted, he can handle
adult information…[like video] games for kids who are 16.” In other words, this
new twist on the “third person effect” flatters parents into thinking that their
own child is more developmentally mature than his/her peers and, therefore,
somehow immune to harmful effects from media intended for adults. It’s easy to
see how such an attitude could serve to justify the permissive parenting styles
that the Media Awareness Project so passionately opposes.
In 2004, Theresa spoke on behalf of the group when she said,
“I feel that parent education is the number one goal.” Cathy added that “97
percent of parents realize that media and overexposure to media has an adverse
effect on children, but what do they do about it?” In planning their 2006 media
literacy conference[7], the group was determined to avoid preaching to the
choir and get other parents on board. This year was going to be different. Less
reactionary. More positive. The new coordinator of the Media Awareness Project,
Melinda, even read Got Game[8], to
consider the educational applications of video games. It was time for the group
to meet their target audience half-way. They did everything right: lots of publicity,
free childcare, free lunch, but no dice. At the end of the 2006 conference,
Anne flatly observed what had become obvious to everyone: “We had a very poor
show of parents here today.”
When asked about the low parent turn-out, Melinda was
visibly disappointed: “Yeah, that hasn’t changed from when you wrote your
[2005] paper, quite apparently…I don’t know how to reach them.” Theresa did her
best to rally the parents in the days leading up to the conference: “I told
people in my classroom ‘you can come for an hour’ I was practically begging
people…but then I think, ‘What do people come for?’ they come for that
pot-luck.”
Social Work
The pot-luck is a monthly support-group for parents that
takes place at the elementary school. It’s a time for parents to gather over a
meal, socialize a bit, then listen to a program run by
the school social worker. For a rural and isolated community, such gatherings
are an important outlet for social interaction helping to incubate
relationships and nurture mutual trust among peers. The pot-luck would thus
appear to be the perfect forum for parents to consider challenges and generate
solutions. In addition, it would seem that media literacy for parents could be
more effective when data on harmful effects is coupled together with viable
alternatives such as play-dates and other forms of collaborative childcare.
Thus, after three years of community organizing and two
regional conferences, the Media Awareness Project has just drafted the
blueprints for a better way to reach parents. Instead of trying to mount a
special once-a-year event and then recruit parents to attend, the group is now
considering going to where the parents already
are. As Theresa put it,
We’re looking
for ways to tap into how people are responding to and communicating with each
other because they are not coming to these conferences…Why don’t we use the
existing things that are vehicles of communication that are really strong and
really well attended to target some of these areas of concern?
For the past three years, the Media Awareness Project has
defied the odds. Sometimes swimming with, other times against, the current,
these teachers and parents never wavered in their commitment to the welfare of
children. Not only did the program manage to survive personnel changes and
maintain its funding, but the members evolved from their initial stage of
outrage to a sober acceptance of the group’s failure to draw other parents into
the fold. Out of this disappointment came hard-earned insight and hope for the
future: media awareness just might work best when the work is social.
Endnotes
[1] Chris Boulton conducted the interviews, obtaining
voluntary consent from all of his interview subjects, changing names, and
concealing the geographic location of the school in order to preserve the
anonymity of his sources.
[2] For more information on NMEC
2005, visit the AMLA website at http://www.amlainfo.org/
[3] The Terminator
is an R-rated 1984 action movie starring Arnold Schwarzenegger.
[4] Halo 2 is an
extremely popular first-person-shooter video game. It is rated M, mature
audiences only, for blood, gore, language, and violence.
[5] Gameboy is a popular line of battery-powered handheld video game consoles
sold by Nintendo.
[6] A Kaiser Family Foundation study conducted in the late
1990’s and based on an in-home nationally representative sample of over 1,000
younger children (age 2-7) found that one-third of two to seven-year-olds have
a television in their room (Roberts & Foehr
2000, pp: 18, 42).
[7] The lead author helped plan this conference and facilitated an afternoon workshop on the persuasion strategies of television advertising.
[8] Got Game (2004) argues that video game use can develop sequential thinking, problem-solving strategies, interactive engagement, and fearlessness—a combined set of skills attractive to future employers.
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